The Washington Post has a good analysis of the Hamdan ruling, reflecting several points I brought up yesterday. The military commissions aspect got all the headlines, but the ruling is really a repudiation of the notion that Bush has near limitless "inherent authority" in times of war.
For five years, President Bush waged war as he saw fit. If intelligence officers needed to eavesdrop on overseas telephone calls without warrants, he authorized it. If the military wanted to hold terrorism suspects without trial, he let it.
Now the Supreme Court has struck at the core of his presidency and dismissed the notion that the president alone can determine how to defend the country. In rejecting Bush's military tribunals for terrorism suspects, the high court ruled that even a wartime commander in chief must govern within constitutional confines significantly tighter than this president has believed appropriate.
For many in Washington, the decision echoed not simply as a matter of law but as a rebuke of a governing philosophy of a leader who at repeated turns has operated on the principle that it is better to act than to ask permission.
Which ought to worry everyone, including conservatives. Asking permission is at the core of our balance of powers.
"There is a strain of legal reasoning in this administration that believes in a time of war the other two branches have a diminished role or no role," Sen. Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.), who has resisted the administration's philosophy, said in an interview. "It's sincere, it's heartfelt, but after today, it's wrong."
Yep.
And what is the source of that legal reasoning? Here's one answer, from the New Yorker via Donklephant. The name is David Addington, Scooter Libby's replacement as Cheney's chief of staff. And he co-authored (with Alberto Gonzales) not only the infamous torture memo, but a legal strategy dubbed the "New Paradigm."
This strategy rests on a reading of the Constitution that few legal scholars share -- namely that the President, as Commander-in-Chief, has the authority to disregard virtually all previously known legal boundaries, if national security demands it. Under this framework, statutes prohibiting torture, secret detention, and warrantless surveillance have been set aside. A former high-ranking Administration lawyer who worked extensively on national-security issues said that the Administration’s legal positions were, to a remarkable degree, "all Addington." Another lawyer, Richard L. Shiffrin, who until 2003 was the Pentagon’s deputy general counsel for intelligence, said that Addington was “an unopposable force.”
This view of unbridled executive power is what was disemboweled by the Hamdan ruling. But will the administration adjust its behavior? Somehow, I doubt it. Look for them to continue seeking forgiveness rather than permission, and force each and every action to be challenged by lawsuits before they conform to the narrow ruling in each case.
Supreme Court, terrorism, Hamdan, politics, midtopia